
The War Complex: World War II in Our Time
By Marianna Torgovnick.
The University of Chicago Press, 2005.
209
pages. $25.
In his book Wartime: Understanding and Behavior
in the Second World War, Paul Fussell, World War II veteran and
author of highly acclaimed books on the memory of war in the twentieth
century, wrote, "The damage the war visited upon bodies and
buildings, planes and tanks and ships, is obvious. Less obvious
is the damage it did to intellect, discrimination, honesty, individuality,
complexity, ambiguity, and irony, not to mention privacy and wit."
Fussell's observation is an appropriate introduction to Duke English
professor Marianna Torgovnick's sensitive, articulate, and often
moving meditation on the conceptual wreckage wrought by World War
II, indeed wrought by the total wars of our time. Her book not
only reminds us of struggles to memorialize, to historicize, to
proclaim "lessons," to grieve, to remember triumphantly
or sadly, but also challenges us by asking whether there is, indeed,
a way out of the "war complex." Torgovnick defines this
as an "unresolved attitude toward mass death caused by human
beings wielding technology in shorter and shorter periods of time,
death that proceeds under state or political control and sometimes
does not just kill human beings, but vanishes bodies."
The vanished bodies of September 11, 2001, and the mobilizing of
evocative symbols of World War II to locate these murders in an
enduring martial master narrative led her to select particular
lodestars for her meditation. She devotes a chapter each to the
dense symbol of D-Day, the complex symbol of Adolf Eichmann, and
her own personal struggle with the memory of the Holocaust; includes
two chapters on works of fiction that illustrate processes of remembering
and forgetting; and finishes up with a conclusion in which she
calls for a new "Ethics of Identification."
An enduring theme of her book is the allure of remembering redemptive
narratives of war and sacrifice and forgetting that which does
not fit into such heroic stories. She believes that D-Day is the "major
point of entry into the memory of World War II," and argues
smartly that the public impression of huge casualties contrasted
with actual numbers--not to mention the oft-forgotten Russian casualty
figures on the Eastern front--suggesting that each D-Day death
registered "as larger than itself, much in the way the World
Trade Center dead registered as larger than themselves--as a synecdoche
for us, for the nation."
For argument's sake, I wonder whether Pearl Harbor, rather than
D-Day, is our "major point of entry." The USS Arizona
Memorial spans the famous battleship, the most sacred relic of
the war. The attack haunted generations of nuclear strategists
fixated on the horrors of a surprise attack.
It continues to provide dubious justification for various missile
defense boondoggles, and in historian Emily Rosenberg's words, "became
the most commonly evoked metaphor" to explain the horrors
of September 11.
Torgovnick offers insightful reading of the impact of the Eichmann
trial, and she reminds readers that the simple-minded phrase "Eichmann
is in all of us" serves to "evade the ethical process
of identification and empathy ... which requires not blanket identification
with anyone and anything at all, but parsing the possibilities
of empathy and identification situation by situation."
Readers will profit from her careful reading of how certain memories
of war are submerged in Michael Ondaatje's The English Patient
and Kasuo Ishiguro's The Remains of the Day, and from her analysis
of the vivid ruminations on remembering and forgetting catastrophe
in the writing of W.G. Sebald. Let me turn, however, to questions
that arise out of Torgovnick's sense of the impact of total war.
I do not think, as she does, that we have consistently denied the
horrific reality of the Bomb. Historian Paul Boyer, for example,
observes in his book By the Bomb's Early Light: American Thought
and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age that "America's
long, troubled encounter with nuclear weapons has been cyclical,
with episodes of intense political activism and cultural attention
alternating with periods of apparent neglect." There are also
compelling material remnants of the Cold War, the spaces "that
are off the map and the spaces hidden in plain sight," observes
independent scholar Tom Vanderbilt. Some, like missile silos and
bunkers, are now tourist attractions.
There are also other conveniently forgotten memories of the war,
ironies captured well in Studs Terkel's quotation marks in his
oral history of World War II, "The Good War." The dissonance
between war aims and enduring social realities is captured in the
searing oral histories of the Tuskegee Airmen and the new Tuskegee
Airmen National Historic Site. Strictly censored, observes historian
George H. Roeder Jr., were "photographs of those maimed in
combat, ... pictures of racial combat on military bases, violent
confrontations between G.I.s and their foreign allies, and other
evidence of disunity within their own camp." Also suppressed
were "photographs of shell-shocked G.I.s, of those killed
in jeep accidents, and of victims of Allied bombing raids and U.S.
chemical warfare experiments."
Torgovnick believes that enlarging the circle of who counts as "we" is
part of the way out of the war complex. Again, for argument's sake,
I offer a dark alternative to her hope for an "Ethics of Identification," what
she defines as "an ethic large enough to include others as
though they were our families or ourselves. The "war complex," in
contrast, continues to nurture a murderous ethic of purification
and revitalization through the ecstatic experience of mass death.
Torgovnick's book is a welcome addition to cultural interpretations
of the martial enthusiasms of our time
--Edward
T. Linenthal
Linenthal is a professor of history at
Indiana University and editor of the Journal of American History.
His most recent book is The Unfinished Bombing: Oklahoma City in
American Memory.
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